Wednesday, June 5, 2019

Sociological theory of religion

Sociological system of devotion1Using patterns critically quantify ace sociological theory of religionIn most traditional societies, religion is an important form of social togetherness. It augments a feeling of community and promotes a set of overlap determine and beliefs in rough form of god. holiness also plays a central role in cultural life flock often synthesize phantasmal symbols and rituals into the material and artistic purification of the nightspot literature, storytelling, painting, music, and dance.1 It is the focus of the society that is of interest to ghost bid sociologists, in fragmentiseicular(a) theories concerning the way phantasmal behaviour differs between and within societies. Beckford nones that theories revolving few how social interaction benefits or holds back societies, has made sociology a renowned atomic number 18a of study.2 In order to open a fundamental starting point in this thesis, the foundations of sociology and the sociology o f religion will be described in context. Furtherto a greater extent, it will discuss, in some detail, the sociological hypothetical approach of functionalism by sociologists a critical analysis will aim to show the differences in their approaches to functionalism and will include supporting and critical statements from preceding and resultant sociological theorists. Sociologists generally define religion as a codified set of moral beliefs concerning sacred things and rules governing the behaviour of believers who form a sacred community3. Auguste Comte (1798 1857) describes sociology as the study of human societies.4 A classical figure is that, it is a social science that, uses varied methods of empirical investigation and critical analysis,5 and is often employ to develop theory about human social activity. The sociology of religion whence takes into account the aforementioned and also includes the practices, historical backgrounds, developments, universal themes and roles o f religion in society.6 Jones (2003) describes Comte as the first to proclaim the virtues of an empirically based social science,7 a type of sociology that would gain enormous implications for someone like Comte, who had been born during the aftermath of the French Revolution. Bilton et al (1996) explain this further Positive social knowledge could offer the means for peaceful reconstruction of social order by the elite of enlightened scientists and intellectuals genial smorgasbord want not depend upon revolutionary violence and the manipulation of the mob8 Comte was able to view use of the rude(a) science for the progression of society and the re-establishment of order as well as organism able to apply the positive method to social theory9. Comte and his fellow Frenchman Durkheim are said to be the forerunners in creating the discipline of sociology. Thompson (1982) describes Comte as giving the subject its name and an ambitious prospectus, whilst Durkheim gave it, academic cr edibility and influence.10 Functionalist sociologists focus their attention on the nature of foundation garmental relationships in society.11 To understand this further, one rout out use Talcott Parsons functionalist ideas as an guinea pig. Parsons, who supported functionalism in the United States used the functionalist perspective to group institutions in society into four related functional sub-systems economic, political, kinship, and cultural. This theory disquieted the importance of interdependence among all behaviour patterns and institutions within a social system to its long survival. 12 In a similar way Durkheim In arduous to explain the value of social and cultural character, illuminated them in terms of their contri exception to the operation of an overall system. Furthermore, Malinowski, who promoted functionalism in England, endorsed the idea that cultural practices had psychological and physiologic functions, such(prenominal) as the reduction of fear and anxiety , and the satisfaction of desires.13 An some other Englishman Radcliffe-Brown contended that, all instituted practices ultimately contribute to the maintenance, and hence the survival, of the entire social system, determining the character of inter-group relations.14 It is Parsons sub-system of culture that encompasses religion that we now turn to.A functional definition of religion is fundamentally based on the social structure and drawing together of people, it pays leaveicular attention to how religion guides and influences the lives of people who are actively involved, and through this promotes unity and social cohesiveness.15 Durkheim believed and argued that, religion was a socially constructed institution, serving the demand of society by socialising members into the same norms, values and beliefs, therefore reinforcing the collective conscience upon which the stability of society rests.16 He looked in depth at the origins, meaning, and function of religion in society. His belief was that religion was not so much about God, but more about the consolidation of society and the sense of identity that this creates within a particular society.17 He fully believed that individuals who accepted their role within their own society develop a form of social conscience as part of that role, which Durkheim labels as the Conscience collective,18 which in simpler terms could be labelled as, a common understanding.19 Published in 1921 and penned by Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, is renowned as the best-known study on the sociology of religion.20 Using secondary data, Durkheim studied native totemism in autochthonic Australian tribes, in effect the totem is a symbol that is an inviolate part of the group, and during ceremonies will be the magnet that draws everyone together to form a collective whole. therefrom, totemism in this instance is explained not in terms of what it is, what the content of its doctrines and beliefs are but what it does, that is, the function it performs for the social system.21 Durkheim claims that, the totem, the sacred object is a representation, by which society symbolises itself,22 which according to Fulcher and Scott, he believed to be the real basis of social solidarity.23 From his observations Durkheim developed his theory of the sacred and de fix, believing that all things in society dissolve be separated into these distinct categories, as a fundamental dichotomy the sacred and profane are seen as two separate domains or fields. For Durkheim the sacred meant the unity of the group embodied in symbols, as in his example of totems, the profane was more about the mundane or the individual, and less concerned with the group. However the British anthropologist Evans-Pritchard (1937) observed that sacred things may be profane at certain periods, an example he gives is the case of the Azande24, who, when their shrines were not in ritual use, were used as props to rest their spears.25 Thi s analysis of the sacred and the profane was extended to all religions by Durkheim and his followers, making a focus on what is similar about what they each do, and about the integrative functions all these religions perform on their social systems.26 He therefore viewed religion within the context of the entire society and acknowledged its place in influencing the thinking and behaviour of the members of society.27 Furthermore he believed that order flowed from consensus, from the existence of shared norms and values,28 for him the key cause of social upheaval stems from anomie, the lack of regulating norms. Without norms constraining behaviour, explains Durkheim, humans develop insatiable appetites, limitless desires and general feelings of irritation and dissatisfaction.29 Radcliffe-Brown continued Durkheims sociological perspective of society he particularly focused on the institutions of kinship and descent and suggested that, at least in tribal societies, they determined the c haracter of family organization, politics, economy, and inter-group relations.30 Thus, in structural-functionalist thought, individuals are not significant in and of themselves but only in terms of their social status their position in patterns of social relations. When regarding religious ceremonies Radcliffe-Brown contends that ceremonies, for example, in the form of communal dancing, promoted unity and harmony and functioned to enhance social solidarity and the survival of the society, in this he agreed with another renowned anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski.Malinowskis functionalism was highly influential in the 1920s and 1930s, a British anthropologist, he conducted one of the first major studies of religion from an ethnocentric perspective, on the people of the Trobriand Islands.31 The first anthropologist to undertake a long-term piece of field research, Malinowski lived among the Trobriand islanders for four years.32 In studying the functions of religion in a small scale, he agreed with Durkheim that religion reinforced social norms, values and promoted social solidarity.33 Malinowski also believed that religion could relieve social anxiety and could provide a sense of security especially when people are confront with situations in which they have no control, an example Malinowski gives is based on his observation of the Trobriand islanders fishing in a calm lagoon, no religious practice was attached, however when faced with the perils of fishing in the open ocean, religious rituals were everlastingly performed. In this way Malinowski believed humans could exert a perceived control over a population in which they held no significant, individual power.34 This individual, perceived control can be seen to be used by people facing a personal crisis. a good deal in a situation where they have no control over the outcome, people will turn to religion looking for guidance and sanctuary thereby giving them a sense of power.For Malinowski then, religion a lso helped to conciliate periods of life crises and events such as death, marriage and birth, these rituals, known as rites of passage are marked by ceremonies, that by their very nature, are a form of social togetherness that help to create social order and contentment. These rites however can be seen to be controlled in that to a certain extent one is prepared for new life, death and marriage, these events form part the circle of life and therefore come with some prior knowledge. Ceremonies that relate to these life events could be seen as a predictable common bond that will help to reinforce social solidarity. Malinowski argues that religion minimizes the disruption, in particular, of death. He believes that the assertion of immortality gives rise to feelings of comfort for the bereaved, whilst the act of a funeral ceremony binds the survivors together.35 Coser (1977) explains furtherReligion can counter a sense of loss, which, as in the case of death, may be experienced on both the individual and the collective level therefore religion as a social institution serves to give meaning to mans existential predicaments by tying the individual to that supra-individual sphere of transcendent values which is ultimately rooted in his society.36 So far we have seen that collective or communal gatherings are generally aimed at promoting social solidarity and cohesion, this is backed by the empirical evidence offered by Malinowski in his study of the Trobriand Islands. Hamilton (1995) offers that these gatherings can also be interpreted as involving the recognition of divisions, conflict and disharmonies inherent in the society and rituals may be seen as a means of cope with and defusing them.37 Concerning Malinowskis empirical evidence, a contrasting point is noted by Casanova (1995) who questions functionalism on empirical grounds, he argues that religion does not provide consensus and unity, instead he says that most conflicts an example he gives is the Iran/Iraq war in society have religious foundations.38 Marxist sociologists also criticise functionalists on a theoretical level. Marx claims that religion does not create societal consensus, instead it creates conflict between those that have wealth in the ruling class and those that do not in the working class.39 Therefore according to Marx, the only norms and values that are conserved by religion are those of the ruling class. Functionalist theory could therefore be said to neglect the areas in which religion has been dysfunctional for society, whereby religious divisions have caused disruption and conflict rather than promoting social order. History provides numerous examples of this including the aforementioned Iran/Iraq dis fructifye, Northern Ireland and Bosnia. An Extreme functionalist assessment of religion, declares William Stevens, is put forward by American sociologist Robert Bellah. Bellah fuses Parsons argument that America derives its values from Protestantism, with Durkheims belief that the worship of god is the disguised worship of society. From this Bellah develops a new kind of religious concept, that of a civil religion.40 Therefore despite the individual belief systems of American citizens, it is the overarching faith in America that unites Americans. Wallis (198344) cited in Jones, explains that Bellah finds evidence of civil religion in Presidential inaugurations and ceremonials such as Thanksgiving Day and Memorial Day are similarly held to integrate families into the civil religion, or to unify the community around its values.41 A further point to be made here is that generally civil religion does not hold to a belief in the supernatural. Bellah disagrees and says examples of baulk in the supernatural can be seen or heard on a daily basis, phrases such as God Bless America and the wrangle In God we trust on the national currency, he believes are prime examples of this. However Stevens asserts that this is not the god of any particular creed, b ut a god of America. For Bellah then civil religion creates a social cohesiveness by gathering people together to collectively partake in some form of ceremonial event. Therefore flag waving at a sporting event or lining the street to celebrate a kingly marriage or death can bring about a united outpouring of joy or grief that in itself generates order. A modern-day example is the untimely death of Princess Diana. Her funeral witnessed a monumental combining of people, faiths and nations in a symbolic act of grief. Functionalist sociologists tend to emphasize what maintains society, not what compounds it and are criticized for being unable to account for social change because it focuses so intently on social order and equilibrium in society. Functionalists have to take into account that change does happen in societies and that change is a good thing, and can represent progress. Jones says that the functionalist way around this is to use an organic analogy social progress occurs as it does with organisms as an evolutionary change.42 Bilton et al explain that this takes shape in the form of structural distinctiationdifferentiation is a type of splitting or separation of a antecedently undivided unit, the new units differ in that they are more specialised in the functions they perform.43 Talcott Parsons, in his approach to social change, emphasises differentiation. According to Parsons, Institutions change, if the need of the system changes.44 An example of a system change stems from The Industrial Revolution, which was facilitated by capitalism, was increasingly demanding technological advances to increase profit. In order to bump off this possible there was a need for more educated workforces. As a result the industrial economy needed a new form of family to perform these specialist functions. Thus, as one aspect of society changed the economy and production it required a comparable change in the educational system, bringing social life back into equil ibrium. This new modernization of society, explains Marske, is associated with the increasing indifference of the individual from the traditional social bonds of an intimate network of diffuse social relationships. 45 Due to a greater demand in the workforce people from all walks of life came together causing an increase in the cultural diversity within a particular society. As a result individuality became a more prominent feature religion it seems was becoming less social and more personal. Durkheim would disagree with this statement as he believed it was possible to be an individual as well as social institution, he explains, In reality, the religion of the individual is a social institution like all known religions. It is society which assigns us this ideal as the sole common end which is today capable of providing a focus for mens wills.46 Dillon (2003) explains that social scientists and westward intellectuals have been promising the end of Religion for centuries,Comte announ ced that, as a result of modernization, human society was outgrowing the theological stage of social evolution and a new age was dawning which the science of sociology would replace religion as the basis or moral judgements.47 Durkheim predicted the gradual decrease in formal world religions in post-enlightenment society he felt that there would be a greater emphasis on the individual. This he believed would lead to a weakening of ties in the modern world. In addition he envisaged that social solidarity and the collective conscience would be taken up by other institutions that would evolve into new forms of religious experience.48 Furthermore a maturing modernity would see scientific thinking replace religious thinking. As a consequence, Durkheim considered the concept of God to be on the baton of extinction.In its place he envisioned society as promoting civil religion, in which, for example, civic celebrations, parades, and patriotism take the place of church services. If traditi onal religion were to continue, he believed it would do so only as a means to preserve social cohesion and order. Parsons disagrees with this synopsis, with modern life will come structural frameworks that are more competitive and specialised, however they would soothe persist because religion is an adaptable structural framework for the explanation of inexplicable social phenomena.49 A review applied to the functionalists perspective stems from Durkheims analogy that societies and social institutions have personalities.50 To imagine that a society is a living, breathing organism is a difficult concept when in fact it is seen as an inorganic object. This creates what can said to be a philosophical problem and an ontological argument that society does not have needs as a human being does and even if society does have needs they need not be met. The view here is that society is subsisting in the sense that it is made up of living individuals. What is not taken into account is that each individual is a different entity, with their own wants and needs. As part of the unit they can function and integrate within the group as a viable member. However individual life choices may not always create a positive function for the society as a whole. Functionalists in general tend to have a too positive view by believing that everything that exists in society does so because it has some kind of functional purpose. Robert Merton believed that it was entirely plausible for society to have dysfunctional elements.51 Durkheim also recognised that some forms of social life could be seen in the same way, however he did not use the term dysfunctional. In his work on crime, he noted that crime was functional to society, this seems to be a contradiction in that he also said, too high a level of crime efficiency not be functional, because it could create a state of confusion regarding what constitutes the norms that applied to peoples lives. As a society dysfunctional actions, in p articular criminal actions are frowned upon, and as a society we can become mob-handed in the way people come together to condemn an act of crime. Durkheim has a point to make here in that, people combine together, forming a collective cohesion in defining themselves against what they are not.52 Picturing society like a huge machine, Merton argues that a society should best be considered as a cross between the cultural goals of a society-what it holds its members should strive for-and the means that are believed, legally or morally, to be legitimate ways that individuals should attain these goals. In an ideally organized society, the means will be available to deliver all of its members to their goals.53One mustiness take into account when analysing such theories that at the time of writing the world was a very different place to the one we live in today. Social anthropology has come under criticism for looking into primitive societies as a representation of unchanged societies c riticism in particular stems from the lack of historical records that could bear out or deny any findings. Radcliffe-Brown considered this type of work a mistakehis belief was that the religious and ritual systems had to be understood in the context of the existing society and their role in that society.54 One could linger on Durkheims prediction that religion would decrease with modernity, religion here being in reference to the act of attention a social gathering in the worship of some form, whether it be totemic or divine. However an important point to note is that at the time when the Sociology of Religion was in its infancy, religious practice was more of a regular occurrence than one would perhaps find in todays society. However individuals are still irrevocably influenced by the role of religion in their own lives. Their beliefs and values allow them to feel supported in their everyday life religion sets off certain values and infuses them with special significance. Cultur e plays an important part here, as values, customs and beliefs combine to become a moral code by which societies follow to and live by and pass on to future generations. Religion encourages collective worship be it in a church, mosque, temple, home or some other specified gathering place. Through the act of collective worship the individual is encouraged to feel part of a wider community.Today, societies are classed as more lay in their nature, yet if one consider the earlier statement about religion being an important form of social togetherness it would be easy to make analogies with the different groups that make up the society we inhabit. For example schools hold assemblies, awards evenings and performances all which can be seen as an example of community spirit and social cohesion. pile as individuals, have interests outside of their immediate social groupings, this does not make them an outcast or outsider, and instead it promotes a sense of identity, individualism and the self. The writings of sociologists such as Durkheim, Comte, Radcliffe-Brown and Parsons are still important today, especially in comparing the way society sees religion. However, in contemporary society sociologists have a different set of problems to contend with as belief in modern society and materialism for many becomes a more vital moral value than partaking in a religious practice. BIBLIOGRAPHYBeckford, James A. (2003) Social Theory and Religion, (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2003).Bilton et al, Introductory sociology 3rd Edn (Basingstoke Macmillan, 1998).Casanova, Jose, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago University of Chicago Press, 1995) Christiano, Kevin J., William Swatos Jr Peter Kivisto, Sociology of Religion modern Developments Lanham, 2nd edition (MD Rowman Littlefield publishers, 2008).Comte, Auguste, A Dictionary of Sociology (3rd Ed), John Scott Gordon Marshall (eds), (Oxford OUP, 2005).Coser, Lewis A. Masters of Sociological Thought Ideas in Historical and Social Context, 2nd Ed., (Fort Worth Harcourt twain Jovanovich, Inc., 1977), pp. 136-139,Coser, Lewis A. Masters of Sociological Thought Ideas in Historical and Social Context, 2nd Ed., Fort Worth Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1977 136-139,Dewar, Greg, Religious studies, Philosophy and Ethics, (London Oxford University Press, 2002).Dillon, Michele, Handbook of the sociology of religion (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2003).Durkheim, Emile, The cleavage of Labor in Society. Translated by, George Simpson. (New York Free Press, 1893/1964). Durkheim, Emile, and Coser, Lewis A., The Division of Labor in Society. (Free Press, 1997) Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life A Study in Religious Sociology. Translated by, Joseph Ward Swain. (New York Macmillan, 1915). E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Theories of primitive religion, (Oxford Clarendon press, 1965).Emile Durkheim, Sociology and philosophy (New York free press, 1974). Evans-Pritchard, E. E. So cial Anthropology and Other Essays. ( London,1950).Contains a critique of Radcliffe-Browns functionalism from the perspective of historicism. Fulcher, J. Scott, J. Sociology, (Oxford Oxford University Press, 2003).Giddens, Anthony, Durkheim, (London Harper Collins, 1996).Goldschmidt Walter, Functionalism In Encyclopaedia of Cultural Anthropology, Vol 2. David Levinson and Melvin Ember, (eds) (New York Henry Holt and Company, 1996), p. 510. Hamilton, M, The sociology of religion, 2nd edition (Oxon Routledge, 2001).Hunt, S. Religion in Western Society, (Hampshire Palgrave, 2002).Jones, Pip, Introducing Social Theory, (Cambridge Polity Press, 2003).Jones, Robert Alun., Rules of the sociological method 1895, in Emile Durkheim An intromission to Four Major Works. (Beverly Hills, CA Sage Publications, 1986), pp. 60-81.Macionis, J. Plummer, K. Sociology A Global Introduction (Essex Pearson, 2005).Merton, Robert, Social Theory and Social Structure, (USA Macmillan, 1968), chapter 3. Oren stein, Ashley D. 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